SUMMARY Europe, taking on board the lessons of a chequered past, has committed itself to political and economic freedom. It is a commitment which is now being severely tested. It will take not only a great deal of solidarity but a sense of self-interest on our part to guarantee Europe as a whole a more certain future. The long hoped-for reunification of Europe lacks the necessary economic and social balance, and therefore risks instability and conflict. The Community has not hesitated to support the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, both coordinating the support of the Group of 24 industrialized nations and accounting for 60% of the total. Close political and economic ties are being created via the "Europe Agreements". At the European Summit in Copenhagen in June, the Commission will report on practical means of removing obstacles between the Community and its associate countries in Central and Eastern Europe. At the same time, it wishes to seek closer political ties by creating what I would call a European Political Area. For example, it is conceivable that associated countries in Central and Eastern Europe could gradually become more formally involved in discussions within Community institutions on matters of common interest. The Commission will also be presenting more detailed proposals on this. Ratification of the Maastricht Treaty will give the European Union instruments to play a more coherent, consistent and therefore more convincing role in defending its external interests and contributing to stability, not least - but not only - in our own continent. In addition we are gradually working towards a common defence policy within the framework of the Western European Union and Nato. In short, the Political Union's aspirations are far-reaching. At the same time, there are great pressures to renationalize policy. Nationalism and xenophobia, even racism, are making a reappearance. Only by working together within the Union will we be able to combat them. I can understand that some are sceptical about our ability to overcome such problems, particularly with regard to the Community's position vis- à-vis the former Yugoslavia. There is a wide gap between the ambitious goals and the effectiveness of the resources which the Member States have so far made available to achieve the goals set via joint action. The EC has certainly made great political, diplomatic and humanitarian efforts. But if political and diplomatic efforts and economic sanctions cannot stop the aggression and atrocities in the former Yugoslavia, military intervention may be necessary. Therefore, last year it was first decided to garrison a UN peacekeeping force in Croatia, and then to give military protection to the humanitarian aid convoys in Bosnia and ships were sent to enforce the trade embargo against Serbia and Montenegro. But this could not and cannot prevent the continuation of human suffering. We are now in a crucial phase. If no breakthrough is achieved on the basis of the Vance-Owen plan, the crisis will intensify. If an agreement is reached, it may have to be upheld by force. In both scenarios, Europe will face painful choices as to its military involvement. We cannot act rashly. We will have to weigh not only the humanitarian considerations but the broader implications for security and stability. Europe's toleration of violent border changes and ethnic cleansing in Yugoslavia cast an ominous shadow across other parts of our continent, where violence threatens to become the unpunished hallmark of extreme nationalist aspirations. I believe that only a united front by the US, the Community and Russia offers a chance of forcing the warring parties to make peace, if necessary. Closer cooperation on defence in Europe and a strong Alliance go hand in hand. A more coherent European security and defence identity will ultimately provide the European pillar of the Alliance which we have so far sought to construct in vain. The Community and the US bear a heavy responsibility for solving crises and contributing to world peace, as befits their political and economic stature and their concern for respect for human rights and the promotion of democratic values. The Transatlantic Declaration of 1990 forms a good basis for this. * * *
